|
I
have recently read an article by Ivan Krastev, which reminded me of a
book I came across more than thirty years ago, written by Raymond Aron
and entitled "In Defence of Decadent Europe." As a then editor of an
illegal periodical, (it was the time of the Communist regime in Poland) I
was looking for inspiration, something that would help me go beyond the
simple division: the political power versus
the underground opposition. The reflections on freedom of authors such
as Raymond Aron, Michael Novak, Friedrich Hayek, Karl Popper or Isaiah
Berlin formed a foundation for my personal and political optimism, mixed
with cautious scepticism. Today, I feel duty-bound to undertake an
effort, both intellectual and political, to once again defend the
decadent Europe along with her old-fashioned values, above all freedom
and democratic capitalism. By a fortunate coincidence, I am saying these
words on the 35th anniversary of the birth of the Solidarity Movement,
which was also my experience, maybe the most important in my life.
When
Aron was writing his defence of Europe in the mid -1970s, the
prevailing mood was one of pessimism and doubts about the future of
democracy and free market, as well as about Europe itself. Religious
violence ran riot, with geo-political consequences. Nationalists rose on
the left and right; the energy crisis shook the European economy,
discrediting mainstream politics. Terrorist groups emerged, particularly
aggressive in Italy and Germany while the students' revolts and radical
movements, often backed by Soviet secret services, shattered societies
from within. Europe was losing clout on the world stage and many thought
that they had found themselves at a crossroads of blind alleys, as Ivan
Krastev so aptly described.
The
voice of Raymond Aron, barely audible in the seventies and drowned out
by the avant-garde outcry of radical intellectuals, proved to be the
voice of reason and shrewdness. Europe and her traditional values which
constitute liberal democracy, have not only survived, but have also
become, once again, a universal positive model for millions of people,
not only Europeans.
There
exists a good number of reasons also to defend today´s decadent Europe.
To every sensible observer of the global scene, Europe is still clearly
the best place on Earth. In fact, migrants who put their lives at risk
to find their way across to our continent know it better than anybody
else, unintentionally becoming the most obvious proponents and advocates
of the decadent Europe. One can´t help but notice the stark contrast to
some of today's European intellectuals who are always outraged, ready
to offer scathing criticism of their own community and at the same time
being completely unable to find practical solutions. By the way, in the
past the main task of intellectuals was to think while today it is to be
outraged. They are too busy looking for an ideal, ready to abandon
reality for destructive projects which look and sound creative and
attractive. The last thing Europe needs today is new theories and grand
visions. In fact what we really need today is sound judgment,
determination in action and common sense.
For
sure the European Union is not the best of all possible worlds. But
surely it is the best of the existing ones and in all likelihood the
best among those that human kind has seen across the centuries. Europe
is safe and prosperous and shows respect for the rule of law and the
rights of individuals. The poor are offered help, universal education
and medical care are provided for. We are not perfect, but are still
doing better than at any other time or anywhere else. Europe has also
found a way how to durably substitute conflict and violence for dialogue
and consensus. Isn`t this enough to defend her?
I
often hear that what Europe lacks today is energy, vitality and
bravery. We are surrounded by nations and civilizations powered by the
energy that they draw from nationalisms, religious orthodoxies and
ideologies. It is often poverty that lies at the source of this energy,
which was also our experience in Europe`s remote past. Today however,
the attractiveness of Europe stems partly from the fact that our
continent is largely free from these potent and dangerous emotions.
Europe is secular, multinational, tolerant, wealthy and pluralistic. In a
sense she was conceived and designed as an alternative to the 20th
century´s hell of nationalism and totalitarian ideologies. Surely no-one
in their right mind would want us to return to those sources of energy.
In
fact, the question if anybody would like to go back in time is
irrelevant. It is simply impossible if we want to continue to think
about Europe as a political entity, about Europe as a whole. No European
nationalism, just like no one European nation will emerge. It is also
unlikely for one religion or ideology to conquer the hearts and minds of
most Europeans. This is why our energy and determination must be
powered by other emotions.
One
such emotion is pride. Today we need to feel more proud about our
common Europe, simply because Europe deserves it. Pride about our
culture, wealth and the political idea of solidarity. I have in mind the
same kind of pride which the ancient Greeks felt for themselves and for
the barbarians. Not because the barbarians were worse, but because the
Greeks lived differently. Pride is this galvanising value which breeds
the feeling of dignity and the need to fight for it. Incidentally, we
Europeans must today restore the ability to distinguish between pride
and hubris. All too often we show hubris to our neighbours, and weakness
to the stronger, forgetting that hubris is accompanied by weakness
while pride is accompanied by strength. In the history of politics an
arrogant weakling has been a most pathetic figure.
We
need to think about our Europe with greater tenderness and patience. We
need to protect her not only against external threats when they appear,
but also against internal temptations for revolutionary and total
changes. The European Union certainly needs to adjust and improve
itself, and it must do so constantly, but under no condition should we
undermine the very essence of Europe or the political and legal norms of
the Union.
There
is more and more talk about the need for the new legitimacy of the
European Union, as the historical reasons for its creation, the reaction
to the tragedy of the Second World War and to the threats from the side
of the Soviet Union will no longer suffice. New generations will look
for new justifications but what will most certainly endure will be the
positive legitimacy of who we are today and who we want to be in the
future. And I have no doubt that we want to remain free, tolerant,
wealthy and safe citizens of the national states organized in one
European community.
If
we stay true to our values we will win our future. To achieve this we
need to be strong and smart, the most priceless assets in politics.
Instead of concentrating on predictions about the distant future and
long-term planning we need to stay in shape. As the saying goes: "If
you want to make God laugh, tell him about your plans." More important
than ambitious visions are therefore our prowess, resilience, courage
and determination. If we are able to rebuild them, we won´t be afraid of
the new challenges, even if they take us by surprise.
Pragmatic
European leadership, both on the level of national states and
pan-European institutions, must focus on practical solutions. Problems
that we encounter presently can be overcome on condition that they do
not become an excuse to turn Europe upside down. Equally important are
mutual loyalty and solidarity among European players, in particular vis a
vis external enemies. I don´t suppose anybody has any doubts that they
exist.
On
every issue on today´s agenda, the Greek crisis, war in Ukraine,
migration, terrorism, potential Brexit, we take action, which - if only
we are sufficiently loyal to one another and stand united - will bring
about positive results. We will continue to live with the problems
longer than we would like to - but this is not the reason to question
our European principles.
Is
global disorder the new global order? No. In fact disorder has existed
since the beginning of time. And indeed, the moderator of our session,
Mr Nik Gowing, who in his very long and amazing career as an
international broadcaster covered such dramatic events as the terrorist
attack on Twin Towers, the Gulf War, Kosovo, Mumbai, the death of Lady
Diana, the financial meltdown, and the imposition of the Martial law in
Poland, which is especially important to me, is living proof that
disorder and chaos are an immanent part of our human existence. Perfect
order has always been a dream, while the world around us has always been
full of conflicts and surprises. The real challenge is not to change
the status quo
in search of the perfect order. It is beyond human reach. Therefore,
the real challenge is to preserve and consolidate our imperfect order
which we have enjoyed within the European community. Thank you.
|
Δεν υπάρχουν σχόλια :
Δημοσίευση σχολίου